The Good and the Bad of Europe: Political Attitudes to the EU as a Function of its Impact on National Identity

The Good and the Bad of Europe: Political Attitudes to the EU as a Function of its Impact on National Identity

This project focuses on the analysis of the arguments used by Scottish politicians in order to support or oppose European integration as well as membership in the UK. In particular, it focuses on the role of national identity and how it is argued to be affected by being part of the EU and/or the UK.

The purpose of such analysis is to pursue Reicher & Hopkins' (2001) analysis of the political rhetoric of national identity, as well as to evaluate the relevance of the general model of political attitudes towards superordinate membership proposed by Sindic & Reicher (2009). The key claim of this model is that such political attitudes depends on whether superordinate group membership is seen to repress or facilitate the ability of the ingroup to express its identity in practices (i.e. in a way of life) - that is, whether it is seen to create a situation of identity undermining vs. identity enhancement.

Thus, on the one hand, we aim to test whether this perspective can help to make sense of the arguments (relating to membership in Europe and Britain) used by a group of interviewed Scottish politicians. Indeed, if the model is right about the key role of identity undermining vs. identity enhancement in shaping political attitudes, then one should expect these politicians to focus on this issue. That is, we would expect them to argue that Scottishness is undermined or enhanced in the EU and/or the UK as a function of the particular political project they wish to promote (supporting or opposing European integration and membership in the UK). Moreover, we also aim to analyse the strategic dimension of such arguments, i.e., to look at how identities (the Scots, the Europeans, the English, the British) and the social and political context (e.g. power, relationship of interests) are variously constructed as a function of the direction in which politicians wish to mobilize others. 

Estatuto: 
Entidade proponente
Financiado: 
Não
Keywords: 

Identidade Nacional; Nacionalismo; Atitudes Políticas; União Europeia

This project focuses on the analysis of the arguments used by Scottish politicians in order to support or oppose European integration as well as membership in the UK. In particular, it focuses on the role of national identity and how it is argued to be affected by being part of the EU and/or the UK.

The purpose of such analysis is to pursue Reicher & Hopkins' (2001) analysis of the political rhetoric of national identity, as well as to evaluate the relevance of the general model of political attitudes towards superordinate membership proposed by Sindic & Reicher (2009). The key claim of this model is that such political attitudes depends on whether superordinate group membership is seen to repress or facilitate the ability of the ingroup to express its identity in practices (i.e. in a way of life) - that is, whether it is seen to create a situation of identity undermining vs. identity enhancement.

Thus, on the one hand, we aim to test whether this perspective can help to make sense of the arguments (relating to membership in Europe and Britain) used by a group of interviewed Scottish politicians. Indeed, if the model is right about the key role of identity undermining vs. identity enhancement in shaping political attitudes, then one should expect these politicians to focus on this issue. That is, we would expect them to argue that Scottishness is undermined or enhanced in the EU and/or the UK as a function of the particular political project they wish to promote (supporting or opposing European integration and membership in the UK). Moreover, we also aim to analyse the strategic dimension of such arguments, i.e., to look at how identities (the Scots, the Europeans, the English, the British) and the social and political context (e.g. power, relationship of interests) are variously constructed as a function of the direction in which politicians wish to mobilize others. 

Objectivos: 
The purpose of this project is twofold: <p>(a) To evaluate the explanatory power of Sindic & Reicher (2009)'s model of political attitudes towards superordinate group membership, through its application to the specific case of Scotland and its relationship to the EU and the UK.</p><p>(b) To demonstrate that identities and the social and political context are actively and strategically constructed within political rhetoric as tools of mobilization. </p>
State of the art: 
In their analysis of the political rhetoric of national identity, Reicher &amp; Hopkins (2001; Hopkins &amp; Reicher, 1996) have questioned the common idea that separatism is the necessary expression of nationalism and national identity (see also Spillman, 1997). Indeed, in the case of Scotland, they find that both separatists and unionists use national identity in order to defend and gather support for their particular position vis-&agrave;-vis Britain and the EU. What differentiates them is that they use different definitions of the ingroup, the outgroup(s), and the supra-national groups, and hence offer very different picture of how national identity is affected by being part of these supra-national bodies. Thus, in the case of Britain, whilst separatists argue that it can only threaten Scottishness since it is dominated by the English and that therefore being part of Britain lead to the imposition of an alien English identity on Scotland, those who support Britain argue that England and Scotland are fair partners within it and that, far from being undermined, Scottishness is in fact enhanced by being part of this union. <p>These ideas were formalised by Sindic &amp; Reicher (2009a) into a social psychological model of political attitudes towards superordinate group membership. This model proposes that whilst the strength of political attitudes depends upon the degree of ingroup identification, the direction of these attitudes depends upon whether particular superordinate groups are seen to facilitate or repress the expression and enactment of ingroup identity in practice (identity enhancement vs. identity undermining). In other words, and in the specific case of separatism, we hypothesised that the impact of ingroup identification on support for separatism should be moderated by perceptions of identity undermining, so that only when identity undermining is high does national identification lead to more support for separatism. This hypothesis was supported by data from a survey of Scottish people's attitudes towards Britain. </p><p>A second prediction of the model is that the perceived power of the ingroup relative to the outgroup as well as perceptions of compatibility or incompatibility with the outgroup(s) should also be strong determinants of political attitudes, but only insofar as they are antecedents of feelings of identity undermining or enhancement. Indeed, where the ingroup is joined with an incompatible and powerful outgroup, the implication is that the practices of the superordinate group will be tailored on the incompatible outgroup's identity, thus making impossible the enactment of ingroup identity. However, if the ingroup and the outgroup are compatible (or even complementary), and/or if the ingroup has the power to assert its own identity, then superordinate group membership can become an opportunity for ingroup identity to be enacted in better and more powerful ways (i.e. identity enhancement). Empirically, the survey data showed that incompatibility and ingroup powerlessness were indeed significant predictors of identity undermining, but it also showed that identity undermining acted as a mediator of the effects of powerlessness and incompatibility on political attitudes.</p><p>The purpose of this project is to extend these findings as well as to address some of their limits. First of all, whilst the argument that identities and context are used as rhetorical tools is supported by Reicher &amp; Hopkins' qualitative data, their investigation is potentially open to possible criticisms of selectivity (i.e. that they selected within their large body of data those examples that confirmed their expectations and left out those which did not). Accordingly, the present analysis of political rhetoric aims to perform a systematic analysis of the arguments used by an a priori delimited group of interviewees, thereby addressing this potential criticism.</p><p>Second, whilst Sindic &amp; Reicher (2009) have provided quantitative support for their model, the trade-off of such quantitative evidence is that it is based on questionnaire items that inevitably simplify the meanings at stake. Accordingly, the distinctiveness of our concept compared to other notions of identity threat could be questioned. In particular, we claim that the concept of identity undermining can be meaningfully distinguished from symbolic (Stephan &amp; Stephan, 2000; Stephan &amp; Renfro, 2002) or distinctiveness threats (Branscombe, Ellemers, Spears &amp; Doosje, 1999; Hornsey &amp; Hogg, 2000), as these are typically understood as threats at the intra-psychic level. By contrast, we focus on &quot;the practical ability to act on the basis of one's social identity&quot; (Sindic &amp; Reicher, 2009, p.116; see also Reicher &amp; Haslam, 2006). What is at stake in the concept of identity undermining is how superordinate group membership affects concrete practices that are related to and defined by identity. An analysis of the detailed meanings contained within Scottish politicians' arguments as to the impact of the EU and Britain on Scotland should confirm whether their focus is on the practical or the &lsquo;psychological' impact or the superordintae group on ingroup identity.</p><p>A similar reasoning applies to the concepts of incompatibility and power/powerlessness. In the case of power, we argue that whilst being a key variable, it does not act independently of identity concerns, because the significance of power flows precisely from its key role in enabling or preventing identity enactment. As regards the concept of incompatibility, we define it as &quot;the sense that it is impossible for the different subgroups within a superordinate body to express their identities at the same time.&quot; (Sindic &amp; Reicher, 2009, p.116). That is, we argue that it is not differences in traits, values and norms with other subgroups per se which is the issue but where and when such differences lead to problems of identity enactment, because they lead to practices and institutions which cannot co-exist within the superordinate group and/or because the common institutions and practices of the superordinate group can only be tailored according to one set of traits, values and norms. In both cases, then, a detailed analysis of politicians' arguments (as opposed to questionnaire items) can help to better establish the nature of the link between power and identity as well as the practical dimension of notions of incompatibility.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>
Parceria: 
Não Integrado
Stephen D. Reicher
Coordenador ICS 
Referência externa 
PROJ18/2010
Data Inicio: 
01/06/2009
Data Fim: 
01/01/2012
Duração: 
31 meses
Concluído