In the contemporary context of increased migratory flows to Western Europe, Portugal and Italy became, from the 1990s onwards, reception countries for emigrants from a number of countries, mainly in Africa. Recent migratory flows have highlighted gender and social class as the two main attributes that determine from the outset the success or lack of success of migratory journeys, as well as perceptions and representations of illegal practices related to immigration. The influence of gender ranges from differences in access to emigration in countries of origin to the impact of migration on social relations within families and on social and associate networks and on labour market access in reception countries (Eckes and Trautner, 2000).

At the same time, the need to regulate migratory flows has brought to the fore a debate on the notion of illegality attributed to migration-related practices. This can result in normative attitudes that determine cultural models recognised as valid in reception societies. This tends to marginalise social agents perceived to engage in other practices. The aim of this project is to rethink the notion of illegal immigration in Portugal and Italy, emphasising the gender differences involved in the concept in the legal sphere and in terms of public order and how the concept of illegal immigration is represented. Illegal practices create different challenges depending on the gender and social category of the immigrants concerned, as different social conditions and identities result in differing conditions of access to labour markets and to citizenship rights, as well as to situations of lesser or greater vulnerability to human rights abuses (UNFPA 2006).

This project seeks to establish that notions such as illegality cannot be rethought without taking into account the recognition of gender differences in the experiences of migrants, in the same way that they form part of human experience in general. This interpretative approach to "illegal" migration is seen as an important step in extending an analysis, which, in terms of contemporary society in general, seeks to clarify "how, when and why it makes a difference to be a man or a woman" (Eckes and Trautner, 2000:10).

The subject for this project arose from research (Grassi 2003, 2005, 2007) that the project coordinator has been engaged in since 2003 in Lisbon and other reception areas for African diasporas, (Wall et al 2006; Gonçalves and Figueiredo, 2005; Diniz, 2005; Hellerman, 2005; Sertório and Pereira, 2004; Peixoto, 2004; Grassi and Évora, 2007). However, besides emphasising the importance of gender in migration, these studies do not extend their conceptual reach as far as the practices and representations of illegality involved in the social integration of men and women in contemporary Europe.

The analysis will be based on a comparison between two cases studies carried out in Portugal and Italy. In the Portuguese study, analysis will focus on migratory flows from Portugal's former colonies, which remain the largest source of immigrants into Portugal and which have been characterised in recent years by an increased percentage of women. These are long-standing migratory flows with historic roots that result in enduring perceptions and representations of identity. Migration is currently moving away from the classic model of family migration (Sertório and Pereira, 2004), in which men emigrate first and are then joined by women through family reunion programmes, to a model involving an increasing number of single women seeking work, mainly in unskilled sectors.

According to the OCDE (2008), two in five of the approximately 4.5 million immigrants living in Italy are illegal. In the Naples region there are four times as many irregular as regular immigrants. The Moroccan and Senegalese immigrant communities, two of the largest, differ in the way they integrate and in their relationship with their country of origin. In the north of Italy, Senegalese immigrants tend to remain in Italy, while maintaining strong ties with Senegal. In the centre and south of Italy, they work in small shops, civil construction and agriculture and are one of the immigrant communities most subject to local illegal practices. Moroccan workers (mainly men) tend to maintain stronger ties with their country of origin and to be engaged in seasonal work in commerce, agriculture and services.

Data collection will involve a total of 100 interviews with immigrants from these communities in Portugal and Italy, complemented by statistical data and media coverage from the previous year relating to gender representations of illegal practices relating to migration.