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2016

organic-statist legislatures. Some contemporaries of fascism realized some of the institutions

created by the inter-war dictatorships could be durable. As the committed early 20th-century

observer, Romanian academic and politically authoritarian Mihail Manoilescu, noted, ‘of all

the political and social creations of our century – which for the historian began in 1918 –

there are two that have in a definitive way enriched humanity’s patrimony… corporatism and

the single party’

. 9

Manoilescu dedicated a study to each of these political institutions without

knowing in 1936 that some aspects of the former would be long-lasting and that the latter

would become one of the most durable political instruments of dictatorships.

10

In this chapter we will examine the role of corporatism as a political device, against liberal

democracy, that permeated the authoritarian right and dictatorships during the first wave of

democratization, and especially as a set of authoritarian institutions that spread across inter-

war Europe and which was an agent for the institutional consolidation of fascist-era

dictatorships. Powerful processes of institutional transfers were a hallmark of inter-war

dictatorships and we will argue corporatism was at the forefront of this process of cross-

national diffusion of authoritarian institutions, both as a new form of organized interest co-

optation by the state and of an authoritarian type of political representation that was an

alternative to parliamentary democracy

. 11

Social and political corporatism during the first wave of

democratization

Corporatism as an ideology and as a form of organized interest representation was promoted

strongly by the Roman Catholic Church, from the late-19th through to the mid-20th century,

as a third way of social and economic organization in opposition to both socialism and liberal

capitalism

. 12

Much of the model predates the Papal encyclical,

Rerum Novarum

(1891), and

was due to the romanticization of medieval Europe’s feudal guilds by 19th-century

conservatives who had become disenchanted with liberalism and fearful of socialism and

democracy.

13

Indeed, corporatist ideas became increasingly the vogue among younger

Catholics frustrated with ‘parliamentary’ political Catholicism. Yet its influence on the

formation of the policies of European Catholic parties in the post-war decade was limited.

14

However, ‘the church’s explicit endorsement surely moved corporatism from seminar rooms

to presidential palaces’, especially after the publication of the encyclical

Quadragesimo Anno

(1931).

15

Pope Pius XI assumed that as a result of the Great Depression liberal capitalism and

its associated political system was in decline and that new forms of economic and social

4