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2016

delegates of the municipal councils.

165

Corporatist representation, unlike the labour charter,

never officially figured in any Vichy constitutional text that saw the light of day.

166

While Pétain’s regime proved to be poorly institutionalized, the same cannot be said of

Catholic Slovakia, a satellite state with a status similar to that of Vichy France. When the

Slovak state was created as a German protectorate in 1939, the expanded heir of Andrej

Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party (HSLS – Hlinkova slovenská l’udová strana) became the single

party, led by his successor and vice-chairman, the Catholic priest Józef Tiso, under the motto

‘One God, one people, one party’

.167

Greatly influenced by the Austrian Catholic Church and

by Ignaz Seipel, ‘as early as 1931, [Tiso] moved away from parliamentary democracy by

endorsing the Catholic corporatism of Quadragesimo Anno‘

.168

As Tiso noted in 1930, the

nation was a single set of origins, customs and language, constituting an organic whole

.169

However, despite being the guide of the dictatorship and of the single party, Tiso had to share

power with Vojtech Tuka, who was more radical and had been appointed prime minister, and

whom the Germans wished to retain.

The new constitution, inspired by Salazar’s Portugal and Dolfuss’s Austria, sought to reconcile

liberal parliamentarianism with corporatism, and within the single party, the Party of National

Unity (SSNJ – Strana Slovenskej Národnej Jednoty), the pro-corporatist clerical faction was the

most important.

170

The regime’s brief existence, Tuka’s more radical faction and the

influence of Nazi Germany and of the German minority prevented the rapid evolution

towards a consolidated corporatist and organic system.

171

The 1939 constitution proclaimed Slovakia a Catholic state in which ‘the nation participates in

power through the HSLS’, and in fact the single party took control of parliament

.172

The

newly created council of state developed into a corporatist upper house to advise Tiso, who

had in the meanwhile become president, and who in 1942 was to be proclaimed leader by the

Slovak assembly. Members of this Privy Council included the prime minister, the president of

the Slovak assembly and members nominated by Tiso, the single party and each corporation

(stände): moreover, in a manner similar to Mussolini’s Fascist Grand Council, this council

chose the candidates for parliament.

173

The implantation of a corporatist system called

Christian solidarism was then programmed. All Slovaks were obliged to join one of the

corporations (agriculture, industry, commerce, banking and insurance, liberal professions,

public servants and cultural sector employees) that replaced the unions, and the political

cadres within these corporations had to be members of the single party.

174

As in other

dictatorships, the institutionalization of social corporatism was resisted by industrialists who

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