Background Image
Table of Contents Table of Contents
Previous Page  14 / 60 Next Page
Information
Show Menu
Previous Page 14 / 60 Next Page
Page Background

ICS

W

O

R

K

I

N

G

P

A

P

E

R

S

2016

of interest groups to the state.

54

Moreover, from its promulgation in April 1927, the Carta

del Lavoro was heralded by its promoter as a ‘universal document’. In Bottai’s words, through

this corporatist charter, Italy regained its pre-eminence among nations. The great depression

increased the pace of the popularization of corporatist policies and its institutions spread

across Europe and the world. Corporatism was now, more than ever, a transnational keyword

that met the expectations of the dictators and conservative political elites.

The institutionalization of political corporatism was, however, very much slower in Fascist

Italy. In the celebrated Futurist manifesto of 1918, Filippo Marinetti announced the

‘transformation of parliament through the equitable participation of industrialists, farmers,

engineers and businessmen in the government of the country’

.55

However, even before their

fusion with the National Fascist Party (PNF – Partito Nazionale Fascista), the nationalists of

Enrico Corradini and Alfredo Rocco were the most systematic ideologists of integral

corporatism and national syndicalism. For Rocco, this integral syndicalism represented both

the integration into the state of organized interests and the elimination of parliament and

senate in favour of bodies representing professions and other functional groups

.56

Rocco’s

statism was perhaps the most different from Catholic corporatism since it was a strategy for

the passive and subordinated integration of the masses into the state.

Many authors stress the primacy of institutional reform over the economic question in Italian

Fascism. In the inaugural speech of the Fasci di Combattimento (Italian League of

Combatants), Mussolini immediately referred to the need for the ‘direct representation of

interests’, which was also noted in the PNF’s 1921 programme

.57

Mussolini and the PNF had

institutional reform and the elimination of liberal representation in mind ever since the

March on Rome of 1922; however, the ‘legal’ nature of the Fascist seizure of power, the

presence of a monarch who was heir of the liberal period and some inter-institutional

conflicts, particularly with the PNF, ensured the process was slow and full of tension

.58

The first concern of the Fascists was to secure political control of parliament, which they

quickly achieved, while eliminating its capacity for legislative initiative and declaring the

independence of the executive and the head of government

.59

Following this, corporatist

representation was an ever-present in the proposals for the abolition of a parliament that

managed to continue existing – at least formally – for a few more years. The capacity to

implement fully the reform introducing corporatist representation were limited. There were

significant differences between the projects of Giuseppe Bottai, in which the institutions of

the Chamber and the senate were illogical and meaningless in a corporatist state, and more

12